The Moscow City Court sentenced Ukrainian journalist and expert at the Institute of Mass Information, Iryna Zemlyana, in absentia to 13 years in a general-regime penal colony. This was reported by the Russian Prosecutor General’s Office. The Russians found Iryna guilty under articles regarding an alleged attack on a representative of a foreign state, inciting hatred and hostility on the basis of nationality, and spreading so-called “fake news” about the Russian army. According to the Russian investigation, during a wreath-laying ceremony at the cemetery of Soviet soldiers in Warsaw on May 9, 2022, Iryna Zemlyana, along with “other unidentified individuals,” allegedly attacked Russian Ambassador Sergey Andreyev. The diplomat was allegedly splashed with a red liquid. Investigators also claim that in May 2022 and March 2024, the journalist published posts on social media containing allegedly “false” statements about war crimes committed by Russian military personnel during the war against Ukraine. Iryna Zemlyana calls this verdict a political signal. According to her, her case is a show trial and a warning to everyone else to be afraid and keep quiet. But Iryna is convinced that this gives her even more strength to speak out. And to speak out even louder.
- The Moscow City Court sentenced Iryna Zemlyana in absentia to 13 years in a general-regime penal colony under charges of allegedly attacking a representative of a foreign state, inciting hatred and hostility on the basis of nationality, and spreading so-called “fake news.”
- The journalist emphasizes that during the protest, she poured red liquid only on herself, and the Polish prosecutor’s office officially confirmed that her actions did not constitute a crime.
- Zemlyana views this verdict as a mix of absurdity and pride, seeing it as proof that her professional work is truly effective and painful for the aggressor.
- Russia is attempting to manipulate international law and Interpol mechanisms to restrict the journalist’s freedom of movement and set a precedent for persecution abroad.
- The journalist views her case as a telling attempt to intimidate Ukrainian media professionals, yet she states that this pressure only motivates her to speak out even more forcefully about Russia’s crimes.
Let’s go back to the events of May 9, 2022, in Warsaw. What exactly happened then, and what was the goal of your protest?
Actually, on May 9, we gathered for a protest to draw attention to the events unfolding in Ukraine. As is well known, it was then that Bucha and the Kyiv region were liberated, and the world learned of the mass killings and torture of civilians.
We wanted to draw a parallel with the slogan “never again” and show that the war is not a thing of the past; it is happening right now, in Ukraine. One of our main goals was to convey that wherever Russia appears, people die.
The idea behind the performance was to douse ourselves with beet juice as a symbol of the blood of Ukrainians who are suffering and dying from Russian aggression.
On the eve of the event, Poland’s Minister of the Interior advised the Russian ambassador not to attend, as his safety could not be guaranteed. Despite this, he showed up anyway. In my opinion, what happened next was a provocation—it is possible that it was organized by the Russian side itself.
As a security expert, I was fully aware of what we were doing. I poured the red liquid exclusively on myself. The photos and videos clearly show that I kept my hands raised precisely to make it obvious: I could not have splashed anyone else.
Splashing the ambassador was not part of the organizers’ plans. It was not part of our plan.
When did you learn about the Moscow court’s decision, and what was your reaction?
I learned everything that was happening around this case exclusively from Russian media. I simply had no other information. I only heard rumors. I don’t know how the court hearing went, because no one ever told me about it and no one contacted me.
So all I know is what I’ve seen in the media, mostly Russian. At the same time, I’m not sure how much they can be trusted. Actually, it’s hard to call them media—they’re more like propaganda outlets that fully serve the Russian system.
My reaction? It’s a mix of surprise and the realization of just how much the Russian system fears the truth and Ukrainians, if it resorts to such measures as convicting journalists and activists.
As for the verdict itself—it’s a combination of absurdity and, at the same time, a certain pride. I was convicted under three articles at once, added to the list of “terrorists and extremists,” and sentenced to 13 years in prison for my journalistic work and civic stance. This only confirms that my work and my words are truly painful for them.
I do not recognize the legitimacy of this court. Moreover, I don’t even know if it actually took place, since I received all the information solely from the internet. This is not justice, because it simply does not exist. It is rather a manifestation of Russia’s agony as an aggressor state.
You are also accused of “spreading fake news” about the Russian army. Which specific posts are we talking about?
In Russia, they call any truth about their war crimes “fake news”—basically everything they do. The only truth for them is the parallel reality they create with their propaganda machine.
So I don’t know exactly which social media posts or journalistic pieces are at issue in my case. But it’s clear that any information I published on this topic could be classified by them as fake news.
Together with colleagues from the Institute of Mass Information, since the start of the full-scale invasion, we have been documenting crimes against the media—including Russia’s war crimes against journalists—and systematically countering Russian disinformation and propaganda narratives. We expose and document them.
So any of my professional activities in this field could have been used against me as grounds for accusations of “fake news,” “inciting hatred,” or any other charges the Russian side might level.
How real is the threat of being placed on an international wanted list through Interpol?
It is well known that Russia is a skilled manipulator, particularly when it comes to international law. It systematically distorts its norms and uses them to its own advantage. That is precisely why an article about a so-called “attack” appeared in my case—it is an attempt to bypass Interpol’s political filters.
As is well known, Interpol reviews requests from states, including Russia, for a political component to prevent politically motivated persecution. One of the typical ways to bypass these checks is to add criminal charges to the case that do not formally appear to be political. This is exactly how this mechanism works in my case.
The threat of an Interpol red notice is very real. This means I could be detained at any border or during a document check, and in some cases even at my place of residence.
In essence, this is an attempt to restrict my freedom of movement, intimidate me, and prevent me from leaving the country.
At the same time, it is important for the international community to realize: if Interpol allows Russia to use its mechanisms to persecute journalists for their professional activities, this could undermine trust in the entire Interpol system.
How might this affect your safety and ability to travel the world?
Of course, my travel is no longer entirely safe.
At the same time, together with my team, civil society representatives, and my lawyers, we will do everything possible to ensure that Interpol recognizes this as a case of political persecution.
It is important that Interpol does not succumb to these Russian manipulations and falsifications in the cases. After all, this poses a threat to the principles of justice and trust upon which the entire Interpol system is based.
Why, in your opinion, is Russia trying to persecute Ukrainian journalists specifically abroad?
Russia persecutes Ukrainian journalists not only abroad; it persecutes them within Ukraine as well. Over four years of full-scale war, IMI has documented at least 896 crimes against Ukrainian journalists and media outlets. And this constitutes systematic persecution.
This is part of a broader strategy to stifle the truth. To silence the voices of those who convey it—Ukrainian journalists, including those abroad. Russia seeks to create conditions in which journalists will feel unsafe everywhere: unable to speak at international forums, draw attention to events in Ukraine, report on crimes against Ukrainians, expose disinformation and fake news, and so on.
Their goal is to force us to be silent. And it is precisely through such cases—seemingly isolated at first glance, like mine—that this strategy is being implemented step by step.
My case is a signal. A telling attempt to intimidate others.
But they were wrong. This does not force me to be silent; on the contrary, it gives me even more strength to speak. And to speak even louder.
What reaction do you expect from the Ukrainian authorities and diplomatic bodies?
Yaroslav Yurchyshyn, the chair of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Freedom of Speech, has already spoken out in my defense, and I am sincerely grateful to him for that.
I am also grateful to my colleagues at the Institute of Mass Information, where I work, to human rights defenders, and to everyone who is speaking out about this case, offering help, sending appeals, and making public statements. In fact, this means a great deal and is very supportive.
I would like to specifically mention the support in Poland, where the events took place. I am sincerely grateful to the Poles; they, like no one else, understand the threats of Russian disinformation. They saw what was happening and know the truth.
Moreover, the Polish prosecutor’s office investigated this so-called attack and found no grounds for criminal charges. I was found not guilty, as were the police officers who maintained order during the protest. Despite this, Russia is effectively trying to put me on trial a second time, which is unacceptable.
Together with my lawyers and human rights defenders, we will do everything possible to prove that this is indeed a case of persecution for professional activities. We will draw the international community’s attention to this so that it becomes clear that this is not justice, but pressure on journalists.
We will also initiate criminal proceedings against Russian judges and investigators involved in making such decisions. It is important that in the future, when the time comes to hold them accountable for these crimes, the guilty parties are punished specifically for such cases.
Spoke: Svitlana Mialyk
