Can a country be democratic without holding elections on the dates prescribed by law? This is a significant question for Ukraine, as the last time citizens across the country exercised their right to vote was in the fall of 2020, when they elected local government representatives. Today, it is impossible to predict the date of the next elections for the President of Ukraine, the Verkhovna Rada, and regional, district, and local councils, as the Russian-Ukrainian war—the largest in the modern world—is ongoing.
In short
- Can a state remain democratic without holding elections during a full-scale war and the occupation of part of its territory?
- Comparing Ukraine to the United States during World War II is inaccurate, as Ukraine has temporarily occupied territories and millions of displaced citizens, which complicates the organization of fair elections.
- On the issue of the government’s legitimacy: Russia is using the lack of elections as propaganda against the President of Ukraine, even though the Constitution guarantees the Verkhovna Rada’s continuous operation during martial law.
- The war has exacerbated the internal problems of Ukrainian democracy—a shortage of qualified personnel, nepotism, and a crisis of trust in the government—which is why part of society sees elections as a way to resolve these accumulated problems.
- Holding elections now could create additional risks: the electoral system’s unpreparedness, problems with voter registries, and the threat of Russian interference and manipulation through information and electoral tools
The scale of territorial losses would have raised a matter of survival for many countries, yet Ukraine continues to fight against Russia
The arguments with which Republican Senator Lindsey Graham armed U.S. President Donald Trump regarding the advisability of holding presidential elections in Ukraine soon do not stand up to scrutiny. The 1944 U.S. presidential election during World War II took place without any occupied territories, whereas Ukraine began suffering territorial losses in February 2014, following the Kremlin’s annexation of Crimea. However, Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine at that time did not cause Ukraine to abandon democratic procedures. In 2014 and 2019, Ukraine held presidential and parliamentary elections, and in 2015 and 2020, elections to local authorities. However, as of today, approximately 20% of Ukraine’s territory is occupied by Russia. The Kremlin is staging its own electoral farces there. It is clear that such a scale of territorial losses would raise a matter of survival for many countries, yet Ukraine continues its struggle against Russia.
The Constitution of Ukraine stipulates that the term of the Verkhovna Rada ends with the commencement of the next parliament’s work, ensuring the principle of continuity of power. Ukraine is a parliamentary-presidential republic, and the imposition of martial law does not alter the structure of state power.
The term of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was set to end in May 2024. A strategic mistake by Zelenskyy and his team was their failure to secure a ruling from the Constitutional Court, which was supposed to clarify the reasons for Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s extended stay in the presidential office. As a result, Vladimir Putin, who was reappointed as President of Russia in the spring of 2024, has used the occupied Ukrainian territories to declare Zelenskyy an “illegitimate president” to the entire world. Russian propagandists are actively spreading this lie. Unfortunately, this view can also be heard from Ukrainian citizens.
The Constitution of Ukraine stipulates that the term of the Verkhovna Rada ends with the commencement of the next parliament’s work, ensuring the principle of continuity of power. Ukraine is a parliamentary-presidential republic, and the imposition of martial law does not alter the structure of state power. We must acknowledge that the Verkhovna Rada is not going through its best times: the single-party majority based on the “Servant of the People” faction, established at the start of its term in August 2019, is on its last legs, and dozens of lawmakers have voluntarily resigned. However, the legitimacy of the Ukrainian parliament is beyond doubt. And it is the lawmakers who are its bearers.
The Electoral Code, boldly adopted by parliamentarians at the start of the current session of the Verkhovna Rada, provides for elections to the legislative body based on open party lists. However, in reality, one cannot count on such a drastic shift in the electoral paradigm—from a mixed system to open party lists.
However, we must frankly note that the extended terms of the President and the Verkhovna Rada have exacerbated the problems of Ukraine’s transitional democracy. The desire to “extend” powers through the instruments of martial law, a shortage of qualified personnel, and manifestations of nepotism at the highest levels of government—which are painful for the entire society—are exacerbating existing problems. The holding of elections is perceived by some Ukrainian citizens as a panacea capable of solving problems that have accumulated over the years. This approach can be called society’s reaction to the trials of war, but let us not forget: sociologists report that more than half of the Ukrainians they surveyed are ready to continue the struggle.
The Electoral Code, boldly adopted by parliamentarians at the start of the current session of the Verkhovna Rada, provides for elections to the legislature based on open party lists. However, in reality, one cannot count on such a drastic shift in the electoral paradigm—from a mixed system to open party lists. Voter registries are in disarray, and it is unknown how many voters are abroad and how many have become internally displaced persons. Electoral commissions have literally suffered losses, and preparing for Ukraine’s first-ever parliamentary elections based on open lists will take time. Therefore, it is clearly better to spend time resolving current problems than to face a barrage of criticism later.
Unfortunately, the European Union has drawn virtually no conclusions from the period of Russia’s large-scale invasion
Critical attacks on the election process may not be coincidental, as the Kremlin has long been conducting field research on the use of electoral weapons. In Ukrainian society, which has endured over 1,500 days of Russia’s large-scale invasion, there are many contradictions and conflicts, and Russia possesses tools for remote and cross-border influence. Explaining this to Trump is a futile endeavor, but the situation may be different with Europeans. Emmanuel Macron most likely remembers how, in 1997, he nearly fell victim to a fake news attack during his presidential campaign.
Unfortunately, the European Union has drawn virtually no conclusions from the period of Russia’s large-scale invasion. There, they are still preparing for a war that ended long ago. Given the specifics of the situation, Ukraine could serve as a testing ground for studying electoral threats—provided, of course, that there is no push to hold new elections as soon as possible.
Author: Svitlana Mialyk
